During Medieval times, the region that is now Côte d’Ivoire was at the center of several major African trade routes, linking the empires which then existed in Ghana and Mali. These were initially dominated by the Dioula people. As trade expanded, they came into contact with Malinke merchants who brought Islam to the region. The collapse of the Mali empire in the 16th century, followed by the Ashanti wars of the 17th century, produced several waves of migration into the forest regions of central and northern Côte d’Ivoire and the foundation of new kingdoms including the Anyi and Baule. In the savannah
country of the south, the Kong held sway, notably through the dynasty founded by Sekou Ouattara in the early 18th century. The Kong empire was eventually conquered by the Muslim leader Samory Touré in 1897.
European traders had been present in the region since the 15th century, but it was not until the 19th that the French undertook a determined penetration of the region. They gradually subjugated or formed alliances with the local ruling groups. The colonization process was completed with the capture of Samory Touré within a year of his victory over the Kong. The territory was later incorporated into French West Africa until it was granted independence in August 1960. The leadership of the country was taken over by Félix Houphouët-Boigny, a quirkily effective politician who dominated the country’s political life for the next 30 years through his political party, the Parti Démocratique de la Côte d’Ivoire (PDCI). Houphouët-Boigny retained close links with the West – especially France, but also apartheid South Africa.
Houphouët-Boigny died in December 1993 and was replaced by the former speaker of the National Assembly, Henri Konan Bédié. Victory at the December 1995 presidential poll, and for the PDCI at the following month’s parliamentary elections, pointed to a seamless succession. However, problems began with serious industrial unrest and, abroad, the highly unpopular military intervention in the Liberian civil war. Then in 1999, during the run-up to the presidential election scheduled for early 2000, the principal opposition candidate, Alassane Ouattara of the Rassemblement des Republicains (RDR) – previously deputy head of the International Monetary Fund – was banned from standing on technical grounds concerning his parents’ nationality. (The RDR draws its principal support from Muslims in the north of the country.)
The military coup of December 1999, organized by General Robert Gueï, was a surprise. An ex-minister loosely allied to Ouatarra, Gueï moved quickly to prevent intervention by the French for whom Côte d’Ivoire is a key strategic ally in the region. The new military regime established a broadly based government including leading figures from the army and the main political parties. International reaction was muted. Presidential elections were held in October 2000; the principal contenders were Gueï and Laurent Gbagbo, standing for the Front Populaire Ivoirien (FPI), whose main constituency is among Christians in the south. However, when Gueï tried to manipulate the result, he was driven into exile (where he died shortly afterwards) by a popular uprising leaving Gbagbo as the legitimate winner. The RDR candidate, Ouattara, had once again been blocked from standing, infuriating northern Muslims and sparking serious unrest. Ouatarra himself left the country, and eventually returned in November 2001. By this time, Gbagbo and Ouatarra had met to work out a reconciliation strategy, to prevent the country sliding into civil war and ensure the resumption of suspended international aid.
A new government, in which Ouatarra’s RDR was given four ministerial posts, was set up in August 2002. However, fighting broke out once again the following month, engaging pro-government forces against dissident army units - the predominantly Muslim Ivoirian Patriotic Movement in the north, and an assortment of smaller rebel groups in the west. In early 2003, a provisional settlement was brokered in Paris involving the dissolution of the existing administration and creation of a ‘government of national unity’. This took office in March 2003, under a new premier, Seydou Diarra. In May, a comprehensive ceasefire was signed between the Government and all the rebel groups.
Political tensions are on the rise following the postponement of presidential elections scheduled for 30 October. Mr Gbagbo's has invoked a law to stay in office even though his five-year term is set to end in October.
Government
The most recent constitution, adopted in 2000, is suspended. A transitional government of national unity took office in March 2003, including representatives from the country’s three main political parties, (FPI, PDCI, RDR – see History and Government) and six smaller parties.
The 2000 constitution allows for an executive president who is popularly elected for a five-year term. The legislature is the Assemblée Nationale (National Assembly), which has 225 members, and is also elected for a five-year term in single-seat constituencies.
EconomyThe timber industry in Côte d’Ivoire has declined from previous levels due to excessive exploitation, although the government has now limited production in order to protect the remaining forests. A light industrial sector has grown up processing primary agricultural products and produces textiles, chemicals and sugar – again, these are aimed towards export markets.
Newly discovered offshore oil and gas deposits will boost the country’s industrial sector as well as meeting future energy needs. Côte d’Ivoire already has an established oil refining operation which, along with cigarette manufacture, forms the main components of the country’s industrial economy. It will also reduce Côte d’Ivoire’s reliance on imported fuel to supplement the hydroelectric installations that are its main source of power.
A service sector is gradually developing, centered on tourism, financial services (exploiting the dominant role of the Abidjan stock exchange in the region) and telecommunications.
Côte d’Ivoire is one of the more prosperous economies in West Africa, although its recent progress has been undermined by severe political instability and the difficulty in meeting the standards of international donors; the economy grew by just 1% in 2004.
The country is a member of all the main regional economic organizations, including the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the various bodies associated with the CFA Franc zone.
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