The present borders of Algeria (as well as those of Tunisia and Libya) were determined when the region became part of the Ottoman Empire and each of the three countries became an administrative subdivision (
vilayat). The coming of the Ottomans led to the Spanish losing the coastal strip that they previously had held for several centuries. It subsequently became a pirate base for attacking European fleets. The French launched a military attack in 1830, occupying part of the littoral, which became the embryo for their subsequent North African colonial empire.
Pressure for independence
began from within the country in the early 1950s, with the formation of the
Front de Libération Nationale (FLN – National Liberation Front). The civil war that ensued from the French reluctance to concede independence pitted the FLN, backed by the bulk of the population, against the French military, the
pieds noirs (French settlers) and their Arab supporters (known as
harkis). Even by the standards of the many wars of independence throughout that era, the Algerian one was characterized by particular brutality and is estimated to have led to one million casualties. Independence was finally conceded in 1962, with an FLN-controlled government under Ahmed Ben Bella. Ben Bella was subsequently deposed by the Minister of Defence, Houari Boumedienne, who ruled until his death in December 1978. Boumedienne’s replacement was an army commander, Chadli Bendjedid, reflecting the continuing strong influence of the military on Algerian politics. The orthodox Socialist policies initially adopted by the FLN were discarded from 1986 onwards with the revision of the National Charter to stress ‘pragmatic socialism’ – in part, this was a response to the rise of Islamic influence, especially among the urban poor.
Exactly how far this process had gone became apparent in June 1990, when multi-party municipal and local elections were held for the first time. Although the FLN secured a majority, Islamic parties made a strong showing, especially in the urban ghettos of Algiers and other cities. The most prominent of the new parties was the
Front Islamique du Salut (FIS – Islamic Salvation Front), whose growing support has since changed the face of Algerian politics. In January 1992, FIS won a comprehensive victory in national elections. However, the government immediately annulled the result and declared a state of emergency.
Over the ensuing months, the military took complete control, with the support and collaboration of a group of civil servants, military and intelligence officials, commonly known as
Le Pouvoir (literally ‘The Power’) or
Les Décideurs (‘The Deciders’). Over the next five years, the regime’s dominant figure was General Liamine Zéroual, a senior army officer, who became defense minister and then president. Opposing
Le Pouvoir were FIS and, increasingly, armed dissidents led by the
Groupe Islamique Armée (GIA – Islamic Army Group). The stage was now set for a savage civil war, which has consumed the country with a series of apparently random slaughters of hundreds of civilians, journalists and aid workers. There is compelling evidence that government-controlled units are involved in many of these killings, as well as members of the militant Islamic factions. With extensive support from the French government, the regime has managed to keep effective control of the country and the incidence of violence has recently declined, as the security forces have got to grips with the guerrilla organizations. However, it is clear that Algeria has suffered yet another blood-drenched episode in its unhappy history – an estimated 150,000 people died in this most recent conflict.
More recently, the government has been confronted with agitation from the country’s Berber ethnic minority – comprising approximately 20% of the population – over language and civil rights. In early 2002, the government made limited concessions to their demands – Tamazight, the Berber tongue, is now recognized as an official national language. Nevertheless, Berber protests have continued.
Since the beginning of 1999, when Zéroual announced his intention to step down, several elections have been held in order to bolster the regime’s legitimacy. A new presidential poll was arranged but under such tightly controlled conditions that candidates who initially chose to oppose the official candidate eventually decided to boycott it. Abdelaziz Bouteflika, formerly Algeria’s long-standing and respected foreign minister, was thus elected unopposed. A parliamentary election was held in May 2002, which was also subject to a partial boycott and returned the ruling FLN with a working majority in the national assembly. In 2003, in the general election, Ali Benglis of the FLN also won as Prime Minister. However, this election recorded a low turnout and was marred by violence. In 2004, Bouteflika emerged as President for a second term with an overwhelming majority, although contentions continued. It remains uncertain how these opposing forces will ever be allied.
GovernmentAn executive president is directly elected for a five-year term. The bicameral legislature, which serves as the legislature, comprises the 380-seat National People’s Assembly (
al-Majlis al-Sha’abi al-Watani) whose members are directly elected for a five-year term, and the 144-member National Council (
al-Majlis al-Umma), with two-thirds elected by ‘communal councils’ and the remainder appointed by the president.
EconomyPetroleum and natural gas are the most important industries in Algeria and account for all but a small fraction of the country’s exports. Most of the country is covered by the Sahara Desert and despite investments in the agricultural sector (the main crops being wheat, potatoes, grapes, cereals and citrus fruits), Algeria is far from self-sufficient in foodstuffs and is vulnerable to drought.
Most of the fertile land is located in the northern littoral region. The government has recently completed the process of breaking up state agricultural co-operatives and turning the land over to its occupants. Minerals, principally iron ore and phosphates, are the other major export.
Algeria’s principal trading partners are France, Germany, Italy and Spain – it currently supplies a quarter of European natural gas imports. This proportion is likely to increase with the construction of a new pipeline linking coastal terminals to newly developed Saharan gas fields.
From Europe, Algeria imports most of its industrial equipment and consumer goods. The IMF and other Western donors have provided loans and aid packages, conditional on liberalizing economic reforms and the sale of state-owned industrial assets – the government has, by and large, been prepared to meet these.
As the security crisis has eased in the last few years, economic links between Algeria and the EU have grown. In April 2002, Algeria signed an Association Agreement with the EU, which aimed at boosting both-way trade.
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